The Role of the 116th Congress: Legislation or Litigation?
Good
news! After returning from a luxurious,
two-week vacation, it looked like members of Congress might have finally
developed a desire to do their job: legislating. So far, the 116th Congress has
accomplished little in actual legislative accomplishment; besides
virtue-signaling measures such as the condemnation of bigotry that failed to
call out the anti-Semitic Congresswoman Ilhan Omar directly and the attempt to
override President Trump’s national emergency declaration.
While it
should not come as a surprise that the Democratic-controlled House has failed
to pass meaningful legislation into law, even the Republican Senate has seemed
unable to do its job: confirming people.
Four Republican Senators came out against the nomination of Herman Cain
to the Federal Reserve board, including his formal rival Mitt Romney. Cain
ultimately withdrew his nomination after left-wing heroine and fair-weather
feminist Gloria Allred threatened to humiliate Cain if he did not bow to the will of the progressive left by taking
himself out of the running for a spot at the Fed. Another one of President
Trump’s nominees for the Fed, Stephen Moore, withdrew his nomination after
Senate Majority Whip John Thune expressed his doubt that enough Senators would
vote to confirm him after Senators Joni Ernst and Lindsey Graham, not usually
among the GOP Senators scared of their own shadows, expressed their hesitations about supporting Moore. Once again, most of the criticism
surrounding Moore had to do with issues of character as opposed to his actual policy
platform. Although, it probably didn’t
help that both Cain and Moore did not tow the Washington establishment’s
preferred line when it comes to monetary policy.
In addition, nearly five dozen judges nominated by President Trump to serve on the US
District Courts have yet to receive a confirmation
vote in the full Senate. If
the Senate fails to make significant progress when it comes to confirming President
Trump’s judicial nominees, then Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell should
definitely do what he did last year and cancel the August recess to focus exclusively
on making the judicial branch great again.
It looks like
the inaction that has come to define the first 100 days of the 116th
Congress may soon come to an end. Speaker
Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer emerged optimistic from a
meeting with the President at the White House last week, a stark contrast to
their previous, highly publicized meeting with the Commander-in-Chief over
immigration at the end of the last Congress.
This particular meeting focused on infrastructure, one of very few areas
of at least some bipartisan agreement in Washington. Schumer claimed that the President decided
that the infrastructure project would ultimately cost $2 trillion. The media who greeted the Democratic leaders
had little interest in the discussion that took place on infrastructure. The first reporter asked “how hard is it to
work with this President on infrastructure when he is stonewalling you on
investigations?” For once, Pelosi
actually had the correct answer, telling the reporter “we cannot ignore the
needs of the American people as we go forward.” The second reporter asked if the
topic of Congressional investigations came up during the Democratic leadership’s
conference with the President. Only one
of the reporters actually asked a question related exclusively to
infrastructure and not on the never-ending Congressional investigations.
President
Trump has pitched an infrastructure project as part of his America First
agenda. He has repeatedly compared
American airports to third-world countries and complained that if not for
America’s adventures in the Middle East, we could have rebuilt our country
twice. The high-cost infrastructure
project will likely draw the ire of the deficit hawks in the Republican
Party. With that in mind, President
Trump should do his best to prevent the Democrats from hoodwinking him when it comes
to the battle over how to fund the infrastructure project.
Let’s start with
how not to fund it: a gas tax. Reports surfaced
that the administration had looked into possibly raising the federal gas tax in
an effort to pay for the infrastructure spending. At the very least, the first
member of Congress to endorse President Trump in 2016, New York Congressman
Chris Collins, has actually suggested doubling the gas tax and airline fees in
order to pay for the infrastructure project.
Does this guy want to lose re-election in the reddest district in the
Empire State? He almost did in 2018, after
he faced charges of insider trading. He
initially dropped out of the race but re-entered after the eight Republican
county chairs in his district failed to unite around a replacement. Collins managed to emerge victorious in the
general election, defeating his Democratic challenger by a measly margin of one
percentage point in a district that President Trump carried by nearly 25 points. Between the black cloud that hangs over him because of the FBI
investigation and now his idiotic comments on the gas tax, it might make sense
for Collins to step aside and prevent himself from going down in humiliating defeat.
To those who
missed it, an effort to repeal a gas tax in California failed last year but it
passed in the areas of the state that President Trump carried. In other words, Republican voters don’t like
gas taxes or taxes in general for that matter. After all, Republicans dominate
in the rural areas that do not have the luxury of public transportation. Americans
living in these parts of the country feel the proverbial “pain at the pump” and will not look kindly on politicians who make filling up more of a hassle. For those interested in a historical case study as to what happens to Republican
Presidents who raise taxes, look at what happened to George H.W. Bush in
1992.
Surely, the
Democrats will also try to roll back the provisions of the Tax Cuts & Jobs
Act in an effort to pay for the infrastructure package. The Democrats continue to poo-poo the effects
of the legislation, despite the fact that 82 percent of Americans received a tax cut. Ironically, many
of the 18 percent of Americans who probably did not benefit from a tax cut live
in either Pelosi or Schumer’s state. The
Democrats and their allies in the media know that President Trump can play the
economy as one of his strongest cards in the 2020 Presidential Election and
they desperately want to take that away from him. Don’t just take my word for it. Bill Maher said that he hoped for a recession
because he described it as “one way you get rid of Trump.” Raising taxes may slow the GDP growth that has
put a feather in President Trump’s cap.
As for how to
actually spend the $2 trillion, lawmakers should do their best to make
transparency a top priority. In Rhode
Island, blue and green signs all over the state keep residents up to date on
the progress of improvements to roads and bridges; letting voters know the
cost, status, and progress of the projects.
The blue and green signs in Rhode Island raise another interesting point:
the role of the states in infrastructure projects. State governments seem like natural habitats
for infrastructure projects. After all, the
Tenth Amendment to the Constitution states that “powers not delegated to the
United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved
to the states, respectively, or to the people.”
Infrastructure definitely falls into that category. It would make sense for the states to pick up
at least some of the tab for the infrastructure project since the Federal
government has little spare change, to put it mildly. President Trump and Congressional leadership have
a lot of questions to ponder when putting together an infrastructure package,
such as the role of public-private partnerships and the role of the Federal government
in overseeing how states spend Federal tax dollars on infrastructure. Senators Lindsey Graham and Bill Cassidy
proposed block-granting Medicaid money to the states as part of an Obamacare
repeal and it might make sense to do the same thing with healthcare. With that
in mind, all federal money earmarked for an infrastructure project should have
strings attached to it, since liberals seem to have a different definition of
the word “infrastructure.”
House Minority
Leader Kevin McCarthy mentioned a more logical method for paying for an infrastructure
package during a press conference. The GAIIN Act, supported by both the House
Freedom Caucus and the Congressional Black Caucus, would auction off excess
government property and use the generated revenue to kill two birds with one
stone: pay down the national debt and fund infrastructure projects in the 100
poorest communities across the country. A 2011 report found that “underutilized
and obsolete facilities” cause a “$1.6 billion drain on (the) Federal budget.” The report estimated the number of “excess
and underutilized facilities” at 45,000.
According to a press release announcing the legislation, the proposal to
sell off excess government property and assets would incorporate the “various
provisions” of the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1986, which required “specified
federal agencies to sell certain outstanding loans.” Like most common sense
ideas in Washington, the GAAIN Act failed to get off the ground in the 115th
Congress. Fortunately, every single cosponsor
of the bill remains in Washington for the 116th Congress; meaning
that they can easily introduce it again.
The bill, introduced by Pennsylvania Congressman Mike Kelly, attracted
an equal number of cosponsors from both parties. Republicans Ted Budd, Alex
Mooney, and Warren Davidson signed on as cosponsors, as did Democrats William
Lacy Clay, Sheila Jackson Lee, and Frederica Wilson; all members of the Congressional
Black Caucus. If such an idea can
attract the support of lawmakers such as Wilson, who had a well-publicized spat
with President Trump, then surely it will enjoy broad bipartisan support in the
full House and Senate.
Besides
passing the GAAIN Act, only spending cuts will enable an infrastructure project
to go forward without dramatically adding to the debt. As long as Democrats remain in control of one
House of Congress, such a prospect seems unlikely. While some cause for optimism existed
following the meeting between President Trump and Congressional Democrats, it now
looks like the next 100 days of the 116th Congress will have just as
much legislative inactivity as the first 100 days.
Sadly, it
looks like a standoff with the executive branch over the Russia witch hunt
will dominate Congress’s time and energy for the remainder of the 116th
Congress. The House Judiciary Committee threatened
to hold Attorney General William Barr in contempt of Congress if he refused to hand
over the full, unredacted Mueller report; even though doing so would violate
the law because it contains grand jury testimony. Nonetheless, all 24 of the “angry Democrats”
on the House Judiciary Committee voted to hold Barr in contempt.
If Congress
continues to try to re-litigate the 2016 Presidential Election in addition to
pursuing a “re-do” of the Mueller investigation, then legislation such as the
GAIIN Act will inevitably end up on the back burner. If such a scenario plays out, the American
people will emerge as the biggest losers of the 116th Congress.
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